31. August 1996: Blutiger Bruderkrieg zwischen KDP und PUK in Süd-Kurdistan

Als Birakujî (Deutsch: Brudermord) werden interne Kämpfe der kurdischen Freiheitsbewegungen bezeichnet, speziell die Kämpfe zwischen der KDP und der PUK in Mitte der 1990er Jahren. Im Laufe der Kämpfe wurden kurdische Organisationen aus dem Iran und der Türkei wie auch iranische, irakische und türkische Truppen in den Konflikt verwickelt. Der Höhepunkt der Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der #KDP# und der PUK war der 31. August 1996 in Hewler, in der heutigen Hauptstand der Autonomen Region Kurdistan (KRG). Nachdem die PUK in Südkurdistan militärisch in die Überlegenheit geraten war, bat Masud Barzani, Vorsitzender der Demokratischen Partei Kurdistans, Saddam Hussein, dem Schlächter der Kurden, gegen seinen Rivalen Jalal Talabani, Vorsitzender der Patriotischen Union Kurdistan (#PUK# ) um Unterstützung.

Vermutlich aus Furcht vor militärischen Gegenreaktionen der USA hatte das Baath-Regime von Saddam Hussein seit 1991 keine größeren Militäroperationen mehr nördlich des 36. Breitengrades durchgeführt und sich trotz gelegentlicher Artillerieangriffe auf kurdische Stellungen, im wesentlichen auf die ökonomische Blockade der Kurdengebiete beschränkt. Saddam sah die Gelegenheit, Süd-Kurdistan (Nord-Irak) zurückzuerobern, und stimmte einer Unterstützung an die KDP zu. Am 31. August 1996 drungen die Republikanischen Garden der irakischen Baath-Regierung mit mehreren Panzerdivisionen in die Schutzzone vor und griffen auf Seiten der KDP die Kampfhandlungen an. Mit der Unterstützung von bis zu 40.000 irakischen Soldaten gelang es der KDP, die von der PUK gehaltene regionale Hauptstadt Hewler einzunehmen. Nach Einnahme der Stadt wurden 700 PUK-Kämpfer und Mitglieder des Irakischen Nationalkongresses außerhalb der Stadt exekutiert. Als Begründung für das militärische Zusammenwirken zwischen der KDP und dem irakischen Baath-Regime wurde von beiden Seiten darauf hingewiesen, dass die PUK Militärhilfe vom Iran erhalten habe und angeblich auch direkt von iranischen Kampfverbänden unterstützt worden sei. Der Bruderkrieg dauerte bis 1998 von den USA vermittelten Waffenstillstand an und endete ohne Sieg für beiden Seiten, aber Tausende von Kurden beza.
Ismail Zagros [1]

Director of ‘Hêvî (Hope) Centre, a private school for children with down syndrome and autism, Salih Babat, said that a serious attitude should be taken to overcome the embargo on the Martyr Rüstem Cudi Refugee Camp in Maxmur, South Kurdistan.

The Martyr Rüstem Cudi Refugee Camp is located on the skirts of Qereçok Mountain in the Maxmur district of Mosul. Nearly 12 thousand citizens from North Kurdistan, who had to migrate to South Kurdistan in 1994 due to the brutal destruction campaign of the Turkish state, reside in the camp. Apart from the attacks of the Turkish state, the KDP has been imposing an embargo on the Maxmur Camp for the last three years.

On 17 July 2019, the KDP administration imposed an embargo on the camp and did not allow anyone in the camp to enter Hewler (Erbil). Dozens of patients with serious health problems are still denied access to Hewler due to the embargo. One day after the embargo, on 18 July 2019, Turkish fighter jets bombed the camp, injuring two residents.

The ‘Hope Centre’ (ku. Navenda Hêvî) inside the Maxmur Camp was established as a special school for children with down syndrome and autism with special needs. The school is one of the rare examples among refugee camps and very few in the world.

The ‘Hêvî Centre’ Director Salih Babat spoke to Rojnews agency about the impact of the embargo on the Maxmur Camp and especially on children with down syndrome and autism.

Babat stated that the Hêvî Centre was established in September 2018 under the leadership of Maxmur Health Management: “Friends who graduated from the psychology department undertook the Hêvî Centre project. Under regular conditions, 25-28 children are educated within the centre. However, families cannot bring their children due to their circumstances. Education is provided five days a week with 5 teachers and 25 students.”

'Not a disease, but a difference'

Babat told that apart from the special education, physical therapy is provided for some children in the centre, accompanied by group activities on some days. “Some children are given special education. This training is provided for children with down syndrome and autism, as well as for those with disabilities. Children with down syndrome have one more chromosome than normal children. The cause of autism is not yet known worldwide. According to the theories, the reason may be the environment, or something derived from the mother and father. We can't call it a disease, but a difference. Autism is dealt with through special education.”

'There is awareness, but mostly just talk’

Babat pointed out that there was awareness throughout the region, but this was mostly just talk. “Neither the regional government nor the Iraqi government has provided proper assistance to the centre. Only in Europe, associations such as the Freedom for Kurdistan and the Hope Initiative delivered material and financial aid to the centre in 2018 and they introduced us through catalogues and exhibitions in Germany. Between 2019-2020, the Kurdistan Red Crescent in Switzerland helped with the construction of the centre. Moreover, an Italian group helps the centre from time to time, but not on a regular basis,” he noted.

Babat stressed that they are not recognized officially in the Kurdistan Region and Iraq, as they are only regarded as a camp institution. “Centres like ours provide services in cooperation with both the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Health. On this basis, we contacted the Ministry of Education and submitted the relevant documents. A delegation from the Iraqi government came here and examined the centre. They said that they would visit the centre again in the future and grant official status to it. But that was just talk,” he continued.

'They need to go out so that they don't feel alone'

Babat spoke about the embargo imposed on the camp for the past 3 years: “We wanted to contact the families about the psychological problems of the children. We wanted to show the children that there are others like them, so they do not feel alone here. It would make them happier to know that there are special children like them. If there was no embargo, we would have organized outdoor activities. With these activities, communication could be established between the children in question. However, unfortunately, this is not possible. The Kurdistan Regional Government has been subjecting the camp to an illegal embargo for 3 years.”

'They haven't seen their doctors for three years'

Babat emphasized that they could not take the children out because of the embargo. “A few days ago, we went to Sulaymaniyah for the diagnosis and treatment of the children. It took us 7 hours from here to get there. Long journeys could be very annoying for children. Some of them can't even handle that much time. If there was no embargo, we could have gone to Hewler in an hour. Medicines are crucial for children. When they do not take their meds, they cannot progress. They have private doctors, but they have not been able to see them for three years, which negatively affects their health.”

'If the embargo continues, the children’s development will fall back'

Babat underlined that if the embargo continues, the children’s educational development will fall back. “We want to improve ourselves and progress. Those who want to contribute to our activities can contact us through our social media accounts. We cannot provide a service outside the centre. Continuing education should be secured, but we do not have the opportunity to do so. We cannot halt their education. Since there are pauses, the children’s development also falls back,” he noted.

Babat appealed to the political parties and human rights institutions in Kurdistan and abroad, saying: “This embargo has no legal basis. The Regional Government, especially the KDP, imposes an embargo on the camp at the request of some people. People should raise their voice in order to break the embargo.”

Turkish attacks on the camp

On December 6, 2017, Turkish fighter jets bombed the Maxmur Camp. 5 members of the Self-Defence Forces, Bager Boran, Botan Amed, Çekdar Mawa, Dewran Mardin and Baz Dijwar, were martyred in the attack.

On 13 December 2018, Turkish fighter jets bombed the camp, killing 73-year-old Asya Eli Mihemed, her 26-year-old daughter Narinç Farhan Qasim, her 14-year-old grandson Evin Kawa Mehmud and 23-year-old Eylem Mihemed Emer.

Attacks on the camp during the embargo

On July 18, 2019, Turkish fighter jets bombed the camp once again and two camp residents were injured.

On April 15, 2020, a Turkish drone bombed the camp, leaving three young women in the camp dead.

On June 15, 2020, Turkish fighter jets heavily bombed the vicinity of the Maxmur Camp and Qereçox Mountain. No casualties were reported.

On May 5, 2021, Turkish drones attacked the Maxmur camp.

On June 5, 2021, armed reconnaissance planes of the Turkish army dropped bombs on the camp area where schools and parks are located, but no casualties were reported.

On September 3, 2021, Turkish drones bombed the Maxmur Camp, injuring a mother and a child.

On February 1, 2022, Turkish fighter jets once again bombed the Makhmur Camp, targeting the Self-Defence Forces. 2 members of the Self-Defence Forces were martyred and dozens of citizens who wanted to help their relatives were injured.

On May 21, 2022, a Turkish drone bombed a vehicle in the Maxmur Camp. A shepherd named Haci Mirza Eli was martyred.

On July 5, 2022, during the visit of the Iraqi Army General Commander, the Joint Operations Commander and several high-ranking commanders to the camp, a Turkish drone targeted a civilian house, leaving a woman injured.[1]

Imprisoned for 19 months, five young men from Sheladize, who are set to be released but are still held in prison by the KDP, have gone on a death fast.
Yusif Şerif, Mehmud Naçi, Kovan Tarıq Cubrail, Emced Yusif and Neçirvan Hacı from Sheladize, who have been held behind bars by South Kurdistan’s ruling party KDP for two years, are not released from prison despite having completed their sentences. The prisoners, who were set to be released after Eid al-Adha in accordance with a court order, are yet to be set free.
The lawyer for the prisoners, Beşdar Hesen, stated that the release of his clients had been halted due to the intervention of political parties. He said that the five prisoners had gone on a death fast, refusing to eat.
“A few days ago, lawyers and the Parliamentary Commission on Human Rights asked about the reason for the denial of release, but received no response,” Hesen added.
During a hearing on 16 May 2022, the court board sentenced each of the imprisoned activists to 2 years in prison for aiding the PKK, forming an armed group and organizing protest demonstrations.
Speaking after the trial, a lawyer for the five young men, Ramazan Ersin, noted that the five activists in question had already been imprisoned for 17 months and that they would be released a month later as the judge ruled conditional release.
According to the conditional release law of the Kurdistan Regional Court, prison sentences are reduced by a quarter, and a two-year jail time is thus abated to 18 months.[1]

Sinds 2 maart jl. maken de strijdkrachten van KDP, onder leiding van president Barzani in Zuid-Koerdistan (het Koerdische deel in Irak) in samenwerking met de Turkse regering, zich schuldig aan aanvallen die gepaard gaan met geweld. De volksbeschermingseenheden van Yezidische Koerden (YBŞ/YJE) liggen onder vuur in de plaatsen Sinune en Khanesor in de regio Shengal (Sinjar). De YBŞ/YJE heeft het leven van meer dan honderdduizend mensen gered toen de terroristen van Islamitische Staat (IS) een massamoord pleegden op Yezidische Koerden in 2014.
De aanvallen van KDP vinden plaats sinds het bezoek van Barzani aan Turkije waar hij met president Erdogan hoogstwaarschijnlijk de plannen om YBŞ/YJE aan te vallen heeft besproken. Deze aanvallen brengen het verzet van YBŞ/JYE tegen IS in gevaar.
Duidelijk is dat de Yezidi's zich na de genocide van 2014 door IS niet opnieuw weerloos zullen overgeven. De Yezidische Koerden hebben geen vertrouwen in KDP, omdat de peshmerga’s (militaire eenheid van de KDP, red.) zich in 2014 hebben teruggetrokken zonder enige vorm van hulp te bieden tegen de aanvallen van IS. De YBŞ/YJE daarentegen heeft zich verzet tegen IS en zal zich ook nu verzetten tegen de strijdkrachten van KDP. De Yezidische Koerden willen zichzelf kunnen besturen en verdedigen. Hiervoor hebben ze eigen volksbeschermingseenheden opgericht om zichzelf tegen de barbaren van IS te verdedigen: de YBŞ/YJE
De YBŞ en de Yezidische Raad van Shengal hebben een oproep gedaan om met de KDP om tafel te gaan en via de diplomatieke route het geweld een halt te roepen. Helaas worden deze voorstellen tot een dialoog genegeerd door de strijdkrachten van KDP en de Turkse regering.
De YBŞ/YJE en de Yezidische Raad roepen de EU en VS op te interveniëren en Turkije een halt toe te roepen in het tegen elkaar opzetten van de lokale Koerdische krachten. Een burgeroorlog tussen Koerden onderling moet daarbij worden voorkomen. Alle Koerdische eenheden zouden zich samen met de internationale strijdkrachten moeten kunnen focussen op het verdrijven van IS.
De hele wereld is een aantal jaren geleden getuige geweest van het feit dat Yezidi’s het slachtoffer zijn geweest van genocide door IS. Zal de wereld deze keer op tijd opkomen tegen dit geweld?
DemNed roept de Nederlandse regering, alle Koerdische partijen, de VS, de EU evenals de Iraakse overheid op om druk uit te oefenen op KDP, president Barzani en de Turkse regering, zodat er plaats wordt gemaakt voor onderhandelingen tussen de lokale Koerdische krachten. Alleen op deze manier zullen de aanvallen door KDP onder druk van Turkije worden gestopt.
DemNed
Raad van Gemeenschappen uit Koerdistan
08-03-2017

$Irak Federal Mahkemesi’nden #Kerkük# 'teki KDP binası hakkında karar$
Erbil (Rûdaw) – Irak Federal Yüksek Mahkemesi, Kerkük’te KDP merkez binasının partiye devredilmesi yönünde Başbakan Muhammed Şiya es-Sudani’nin aldığı kararı geçici olarak durdurma kararı aldı.
Irak Federal Yüksek Mahkemesi, Arap milletvekili Vesfi Asi Hüseyin’in Kerkük'te Ortak Operasyonlar Komutanlığı karargahı olarak kullanılan KDP’nin eski binasının partiye devredilmesi kararının askıya alınması yönündeki şikayetini değerlendirdi.
Mahkeme, konuyla ilgili şikayet karara bağlanıncaya kadar tüm iade işlemlerinin ertelenmesine karar verdi.
Kerkük’te 16 Ekim 2017'de kente giren Irak ordusu ile Heşdi Şabi güçleri KDP’ye ait binayı boşaltıp Operasyonlar Komutanlığı karargahı yapmıştı. Irak Başbakanı Muhammed Şiya es-Sudani, 25 Ağustos’ta binanın tekrardan KDP’ye devredilmesi talimatını vermişti.
Mahkeme bugünkü kararının gerekçesini, “Kerkük'ün ve vatandaşların can güvenliğini, bir arada yaşamayı vurgulayan Irak anayasasının ve Irak topraklarının egemenlik ve birliğinin korunması”na bağladı.
Kerkük’te 27 Ağustos günü karargahın önünde çadır kurup nöbet tutan bir grup Heşdi Şabi taraftarı ve çevre kentlerden getirilen Araplar, Kerkük-Erbil otoyolunu trafiğe kapatmıştı.
Bu durumun ardından dün Kürtler, Rahimawa bölgesinde toplanarak gösteri düzenleyerek Erbil-Kerkük yolunun açılmasını istedi.
Kürt göstericilerin daha önce yolları kapatan eylemcilerin bulunduğu alanına yaklaşması üzerine güvenlik güçleri ateş açtı. Olaylar esansında 4 kişi hayatını kaybederken 3’ü polis 15 kişi de yaralandı.[1]

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Iran’s increasing pressure on the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to take a stance against Kurdish opposition fighters stationed at the borders is concerning, the leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI) told Rudaw on Tuesday following a merger with another Iranian Kurdish opposition party two days prior.
The KRG is being subjected to “demand under pressure” from Iran to eliminate the presence of the KDPI Peshmerga in the mountainous areas on the border, party leader Mustafa Hijri told Rudaw’s Nwenar Fatih, adding that the fighters remain stationed on the borders despite calls for their withdrawal.
The KDPI is a Kurdish party that has waged an on-and-off armed war against the Iranian government since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. It is based in the Kurdistan Region.
Hijri emphasized that his party takes the interests and “political and geographical situation” of the Region into consideration as it considers the KRG as its “own government” and does not want to create a hostile environment.
Let us not create a situation where Iran can impose more pressure on the Kurdistan Region, he said.
Several armed Iranian Kurdish opposition parties based in the Region’s mountains are periodically shelled by Iran. They frequently clash with Iranian security forces in the Kurdish areas of western Iran, also known as Rojhelat.
The KDPI is “ready to stand up to the plans of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the best of our ability ... I think there is nothing that Iran has not done against us,” Hijri noted.
Founded in 1946 by Kurdish leader Qazi Muhammed in Mahabad, the KDPI is the oldest Iranian Kurdish party with its headquarters based in the Kurdistan Region’s Koya town.
In the 1980s, it waged war alongside other Kurdish parties against the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and other security forces in Iran's Kurdish region where larger opposition eventually forced them out. KDPI members have been based in the Kurdistan Region since then, prompting Iran to shell the Region in an effort to target the group.
However, a faction of the party split following its 13th congress in 2006 and formed the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (KDP-Iran) - both banned in Iran - due to internal disputes, but announced their reunification on Sunday following a series of talks.
The KDPI branded its reunification as a “new stage” in its struggle against the Islamic Republic.
Hijri said Kurdish political figures congratulated the KDPI for their reunion, but they have not received official congratulatory statements from actual political parties, including the Kurdistan Region’s giants - the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK).
Although I feel their political position and the pressure and political problems they have, I do not think this is the right attitude, because congratulating the Kurds on a victory is bigger than paying attention to Iran, Hijri said.
The KDPI leadership and affairs will be run by a 12-person central committee for a maximum period of one year until all aspects of the KDP-Iran are merged with the party and a congress is held to finalize the leadership.
As part of the merger, Secretary-General Hijri will lead the party's administration while former KDP-Iran leader Khalid Azizi will become the party's spokesperson.
Azizi told Rudaw’s Ranja Jamal on Monday that the KDPI would be ready to sit down and negotiate with Iran but Tehran is not ready for negotiations and has not shown a serious will to address the Kurdish issues in its western Region.
Iran in July arrested a group of 10 Peshmerga fighters belonging to the leftist Iranian Kurdish party Komala.
Iran fired a dozen ballistic missiles at the headquarters of the KDPI and KDP-Iran in Koya in September 2018.
The two parties unified following reports from a rights organization that Tehran has stationed large numbers of heavily armed troops on the border areas between Iran and the Kurdistan Region in an attempt to “infiltrate” the Region’s borders.[1]

Autor: Österreichisches Rotes Kreuz
Erscheinungsort: Österreichisch
Verleger: Österreichisches Rotes Kreuz/ACCORD
Veröffentlichungsdatum: 2022

Bericht zur Demokratische Partei des iranischen Kurdistan (PDKI) und zur Komala-Partei, sowie zu verwandten Parteien.[1]

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - The office of #Masoud Barzani#, Leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), on Wednesday strongly condemned Iran’s recent missile and drone attacks in the Kurdistan Region, deeming them a “crime.”
Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) on Wednesday showered with ballistic missiles and suicide drones bases of Iranian-Kurdish opposition groups in the Kurdistan Region under the pretext of fueling protest across the country. The IRGC has confirmed responsibility for the attacks which, according to an initial tally obtained from the Kurdish health ministry, killed at least nine people and wounded 32 others.
“The Kurdistan Region has come under Iranian forces’ missile attacks and bombardments several times. We condemn these attacks and bombardments because they have caused deaths and injuries among civilians, including innocent women and children. This is actually a crime,” Barzani’s Headquarters said in a statement.
“At the same time, these attacks are a violation of the principles of neighborhood, friendship and sovereignty,” it added, noting that these attacks are “against the interests and stability of the Kurdistan Region.”
Barzani’s office also called on Iran to immediately cease the attacks as they “do not resolve issues.”
The attacks have also been condemned by the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the Iraqi government.
Iranian authorities have been in a state of panic since the opposition groups based in Kurdistan Region called for a general strike across the Kurdish areas in western Iran (Rojhelat) on September 19, setting off the recent wave of unrest across the country.
Iran for the past week used artillery to attack the Kurdistan Region in an attempt to target these groups. The offences were triggered by the mass protests which engulfed the country after the death of Kurdish woman, Mahsa (Zhina) Amini, in police custody. [1]

The Kurdistan Region’s strongest political party on Thursday slammed Baghdad for its decision to stop paying the Region’s civil servants. The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) also warned it may take a serious stance if the Iraqi government fails to release the Region’s financial entitlements by June 6.
In a sharply worded statement, the KDP accused the federal government of continuing “to violate the constitutional rights of the Kurdistan Region,” adding that the latest violation is the Iraqi finance ministry’s decision on Wednesday to cut the Region’s funding.
The KDP further warned that “if the rights and financial entitlements of the people of the Kurdistan Region,” including public employee salaries, “are not sent before Eid al-Adha [on June 6], we will take a serious stance and announce it.”
Iraqi Finance Minister Taif Sami claimed on Wednesday that the ministry is “unable” to continue financing the Kurdistan Region, alleging that Erbil has exceeded its 12.67 percent budget share set by the 2025 Federal Budget Law.
In an official letter to the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), Sami said that Erbil exceeded its allocated share by 13.547 trillion dinars (10.34 billion), adding that under Iraq’s Federal Supreme Court decisions, further funding in such circumstances is prohibited.
Sami further added that the Region’s oil and non-oil revenues from 2023 until April of this year amounted to 19.9 trillion dinars (15.19 billion); however it only transferred 598.5 billion dinars (456.87 million) to the federal government.
Importantly, the finance ministry was expected to pay the salaries of civil servants in the Kurdistan Region for the month of May ahead of the Muslim holiday on June 6.
Sherwan Dubardani, a KDP member of the Iraqi parliament, told Rudaw on Wednesday that “the audit process for the salary lists of employees and beneficiaries in the Kurdistan Region has been completed,” and anticipated that salary distribution would occur before Friday.
However, the finance ministry’s recent decision has effectively brought the process to a halt.
The KDP on Thursday censured Sami’s decision, calling it contradictory to “the constitution and the principles of the government formation agreement,” and said it “reflects the politicization of the people's funds.”
Importantly, the KDP is a key member of the governing State Administration Coalition, which includes the Shiite-led Coordination Framework, the Sunni Sovereignty Alliance, and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK).
The coalition’s September 2022 formation was marked by the nomination of Mohammed Shia’ al-Sudani as prime minister and it currently holds 275 of the 329 seats in the Iraqi parliament.
In the lead-up to the formation of the Coalition, Kurdish parties, namely the KDP and PUK, outlined several key demands to ensure their participation and safeguard the Kurdistan Region's constitutional rights.
The Kurdish parties’ demands included implementing the Oil and Gas Law, ensuring timely payment of the Kurdistan Region’s financial entitlements, recognizing Kurdish constitutional rights, and protecting disputed territories such as the oil-rich city of Kirkuk. In light of the finance ministry’s recent decision, it remains to be seen whether the KDP will consider withdrawing from the governing coalition.
Rudaw has learned that the KRG’s finance ministry will respond to Sami’s claims soon.[1]

Julian Bechocha
Turkmen and Arab representatives called for judicial oversight of the controversial return of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (#KDP# ) to the multi-ethnic city where protests and counter-protests have snarled traffic for nearly a week.
The KDP shut down its offices in Kirkuk after Iraqi forces and the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF, or Hashd al-Shaabi in Arabic) regained control of the province in October 2017 and expelled Kurdish Peshmerga and security forces. Three of the KDP’s offices were taken over by Iraqi forces, including that of its leadership council, located on the main Kirkuk-Erbil road and currently occupied by the military’s Joint Operations Command (JOC).
Recently, reports have surfaced that Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia’ al-Sudani ordered Iraqi forces to evacuate KDP buildings in Kirkuk and hand them over to the party so that it can return to the city and resume its political activities. The rumors have been met with strong backlash from the Arab Coalition, PMF supporters, as well as Turkmens.
Arshad Salihi, a prominent nationalist parliamentarian of the Iraqi Turkmen Front, expressed opposition to the KDP’s return and called for the matter to be resolved through the judiciary after Iraq’s provincial council elections, scheduled to take place on December 18.
“Any decision to be taken for the city of Kirkuk without seeking the opinion of its ethnic representatives causes destabilization of security and deterioration of social peace,” Salihi said in a press conference. “The best solution is to settle the matter through the judiciary after the elections.”
Salihi argued that any discussions and dealings by Baghdad and Erbil without consulting the people of Kirkuk “pushes us towards requesting international support,” including asking other countries to intervene as mediators.
The Arab Coalition in Kirkuk released a statement last week saying that the JOC headquarters are a symbol of the improved security after Iraqi forces retook control in 2017. Returning the building to the KDP, it argued, would incite concerns over the province’s security once again.
The statement called on Sudani to not make a decision on the matter, but leave it for specialized courts. The Arab Coalition claimed that the lands on which the KDP offices were built belong to the state and were reconstructed by the federal government before the JOC moved into them.
Kirkuk is a multiethnic city home to Kurds, Arabs, and Turkmen, as well as an Assyrian minority. The city was under joint administration before 2014, when Kurds took full control after Iraqi forces withdrew in the face of a brazen offensive by the Islamic State (ISIS) group threatening the city. Kurds held Kirkuk until October 16, 2017, when Iraqi forces retook control and expelled Kurdish security forces following the Kurdistan Regional Government’s (KRG) independence referendum. While other Kurdish political parties remain active in Kirkuk, the KDP refused to return, saying the city was “occupied” by Shiite militias.
Dozens of protesters, mainly members of the Iran-backed Asaib Ahl al-Haq militia and their supporters, have set up tents near the JOC headquarters since Sunday evening in protest of a KDP return. They have blocked access to the highway and vowed to continue their demonstration until Sudani retracts his decision.
On Saturday, Sunni Sovereignty Alliance MP Abdullah al-Mafraji in a press conference said that the crisis in Kirkuk is “resolvable” and that “the ball is now in the prime minister’s court.”
“The acceleration of events and the development of the matter into protests, and the prime minister’s insistence on his position, considering this matter as a part of a political agreement that preceded the formation of the government, further complicated the crisis,” he said.
“We support the return of the Kurdistan Democratic Party to Kirkuk. It is a political party that has the full right to participate in the political process of the province,” he continued, but said that a potential KDP return must be “in accordance with the law and not through political clashes or strong political stances.”
With the key thoroughfare blocked, vehicles are forced into the streets and alleys of nearby neighbourhoods, including hundreds of transport trucks that use the highway on a daily basis.
Turkmen Front leader Hassan Turan on Saturday announced that his party would sue MP Wasfi al-Assi, who had allegedly claimed that the Front gave the green light for the handover of the JOC headquarters to the KDP.
“Representative Wasfi al-Assi failed to prove our signature to handover the headquarters to the Kurdistan Democratic Party,” he said. “We are confident that the Iraqi judiciary will do us justice.”
Kurdish residents of Kirkuk on Saturday afternoon amassed in protest against the blockage of the highway. They expressed support for a KDP return to the city and accused Arabs of silencing them. The protesters lit fires in several streets and blocked traffic.
A convoy of civil defense teams traveling from Erbil to Karbala to assist Shiite pilgrims during the holy Arbaeen procession was pelted with rocks when it entered Kirkuk. Several people were injured.
Security forces on Saturday opened fire at a Kurdish protest. Kirkuk police spokesperson Amer Muheidin told Rudaw that one protester has died and a dozen more have been injured.
Sudani on Saturday evening directed security forces in Kirkuk to impose a curfew and initiate a large-scale security operation in areas that witnessed riots to prevent unrest from escalating.
KDP rivals - the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the New Generation Movement (NGM) - have accused the KDP of orchestrating the protests in a bid to “gain the sympathy” of Kurdish voters in Kirkuk ahead of the provincial council elections later this year.
Masoud Mala Parwez, a KDP official in Kirkuk, told Rudaw on Monday that some Iraqi forces have already begun the evacuation process as Sudani issued his decision nearly a month ago. He said the KDP will run their election campaign from their former Kirkuk offices.
Iraq will hold provincial council elections on December 18, the first of their kind since 2013. The councils, created by the 2005 Iraqi constitution following the fall of Saddam Hussein, are powerful bodies that hold significant power, including setting budgets for several sectors such as education, health, and transport.
While the elections will exclude the provinces of the Kurdistan Region, they are viewed by Kurdish parties as a key opportunity to regain a foothold in the strategic yet historically-disputed Kirkuk.[1]