(The Palestinian Drea) in the Kurdish context.
By: AHMET AMDI AKKAYA
Kurdish Studies Jurnal, Volume:3, No: 1, pp.:47-63, 2015. [1]
=KTML_Link_External_Begin=https://www.kurdipedia.org/docviewer.aspx?id=519097&document=0001.PDF=KTML_Link_External_Between= click to read: (The Palestinian Dream) in the Kurdish context=KTML_Link_External_End=

(The Pendulum of Democracy: The AKP Government and Turkey's Kurdish Conflict) in Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East.
by Evren Balta.
THE AKP AND TURKISH FOREIGN POLICYIN THE MIDDLE EAST, LSE Middle East Centre Collected Papers, Volume 5, P. 19- 25, 1 April 2016. [1]
=KTML_Link_External_Begin=https://www.kurdipedia.org/docviewer.aspx?id=452128&document=0001.PDF=KTML_Link_External_Between= click to read: (The Pendulum of Democracy: The AKP Government and Turkeys Kurdish Conflict) in Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East=KTML_Link_External_End=

Representatives of journalist unions, organizations and political parties expressed their solidarity with the 15 Kurdish journalists standing trial in#Diyarbakır# today after 13 months in pre-trial detention.
As part of an investigation carried out by the Diyarbakır Chief Public Prosecutor's Office, 22 people, 20 of them journalists, were detained in raids on houses and media outlets in many Amed-centered cities on 08 -06- 2022. Among those detained, were JinNews Director Safiye Alagaş, Dicle Fırat Journalists Association (DGF) Co-chair Serdar Altan, Mesopotamia Agency (MA) editor Aziz Oruç, Xwebûn Editor-in-Chief Mehmet Ali Ertaş, journalists Zeynel Abidin Bulut, Ömer Çelik, Mazlum Doğan Güler, İbrahim Koyuncu, Neşe Toprak, Elif Üngür, Abdurrahman Öncü, Suat Doğuhan, Remziye Temel, Ramazan Geciken, Lezgin Akdeniz and Mehmet Şahin were arrested 8 days later by the court they were brought to.

After 10 months, an indictment was prepared against 18 journalists, 3 of them not in prison, demanding 7 years, 6 months to 15 years in prison for membership in a terrorist organization.The imprisoned journalists have appeared in court today after 13 months in custody. Dicle Fırat Journalists Association (DFG), Mesopotamia Women Journalists Platform (MKGP), Journalists Union of Turkey (TGS), Contemporary Journalists Association (ÇGD), DİSK Basın-İş, MLSA, Journalists Protection Committee (CPJ) and representatives of many professional organizations are attending the hearing. In addition, lawyers who are members of Amsterdam Law Offices, legal organizations such as Amed Bar Association, Lawyers Association for Freedom (ÖHD), representatives of MED-DER and IHD, as well as deputies from the Green Left Party, #HDP# and CHP are following the hearing.

A press statement was made by the DFG and Mesopotamia Women Journalists’ Platform in front of the courthouse with the participation of several journalists, organizations, NGOs and deputies.

Journalist Hüseyin Aykol pointed out that, for the past 34 years, the reports prepared by the Kurdish press have disturbed the governments which, he said, have taken all kinds of measures to prevent Kurdish journalism.

“Our colleagues have been imprisoned, killed or forced into exile, while our newspapers were shut down, and offices bombed. Still, we have continued to do our work. Repression against us has increased lately and many of our colleagues have been put in prison because they did not want us to be on the ground to cover the elections, which was considered a turning point both for the government and the opposition. Our colleagues jailed in Ankara were released following the first hearing and we also expect our colleagues here to be released today. Regardless of the repression, we will continue doing journalism,” Aykol said.

The Journalists Union of Turkey (TGS) President Gökhan Durmuş defined today’s hearing as one of the most important trials of the press in Turkey’s recent history. “Having awaited the indictment for months, they appeared in court 13 months after their arrests. Had they stood trial earlier, they could have been released already. Journalists are taken into custody but there is no crime in question. Our colleagues will eventually be released but they would not have spent such a long time in prison if a fair legal system existed. We will stand in solidarity with our imprisoned colleagues and prove that journalism is a public service. We will do journalism and convey our news to our people.”

The Committee of Journalists Vice President Yusuf Kanlı said: “The press is going through challenging times and conditions, as was the case in the past and is today. Our colleagues have been deprived of their liberty for 13 months only because they wrote news. Journalism is no crime. We expect our colleagues to be acquitted today and we hope that just heavy prices will not be paid anymore.”

MLSA Co-Director Veysel Ok said: “Our colleagues are imprisoned mainly because they exposed the state violence in relation with the Kurdish issue lately and reported about violations of rights. We will do whatever we can for their release.”

Green Left Party MP for Diyarbakır, Cengiz Çandar, defined the hearing as “one of the disgraceful events in Turkey’s legal history” and “a milestone in the struggle for press freedom in Turkey”.

“President Erdoğan is having talks at the NATO Summit at the moment. Turkey’s path to the European Union passes through Diyarbakır. And the path from Diyarbakır to the European Union passes through the recognition of Kurds’ rights and the freedom of the press. Without these conditions, all the paths to democracy would remain blocked. This case against 15 journalists, who have been held in pre-trial detention for 13 months, also shows that the Kurdish media is not alone as the media representatives of Turkey also speak out here today. We will claim the freedom of the Kurdish people and the press. The release of journalists will mark a step towards the Kurdish people’s freedom of information.”
CHP MP Sezgin Tanrıkulu pointed out that the indictment against journalists was full of arguments that do not accord with the law. “There is no justifiable evidence even, but only fabricated accounts of confessors and secret witnesses. This case and hearing show how important journalism is.”[1]

Title: “INSIDE OUTSIDERS:” COMPARING STATE POLICIES TOWARDS CITIZENS OF PALESTINIAN AND KURDISH DESCENT IN ISRAEL AND TURKEY
Author: ZELİHA ASLI ELİTSOY
Place of publication: Turkey
Publisher: Department of Political Science
İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University Ankara
Release date: 2021

This study compares state policies of Israel and Turkey regarding their citizens of Palestinian and Kurdish descent, respectively. It then explores the reasons for the differences and points at the consequences for Israel’s and Turkey’s democracy. Israel’s citizens of Palestinian descent and Turkey’s citizens of Kurdish descent have faced systematic discrimination. While Israel never considered assimilating its Palestinian citizens into mainstream Israeli national identity, considering Jewishness as its essential and indispensable element, Turkey engaged in assimilation policies vis-à-vis its Kurdish citizens, which met with limited success. While applying different methods in defining the boundaries of Israeli and Turkish ethnicity, both Israel and Turkey have refused to view members of these groups as equal citizens. Awarding full citizenship rights has been questioned on accounts of Jewish sovereignty-dilution fears in Israel and of Kurdish self-determination and partition in Turkey. Failing to distinguish their citizens from their trans-border ethnic kin groups and viewing them as part of a transnational community threatening Israeli and Turkish sovereignty, Israel’s citizens of Palestinian descent and Turkey’s citizens of Kurdish descent have been turned into ‘inside outsiders’. This has deprived them of fundamental constitutional rights and limited the prospects of democratic consolidation in both states.[1]

Onur Sinan Güzaltan, United World International columnist, asked retired Russian diplomat and Middle East expert Vyacheslav Matuzov about the normalization steps between Türkiye and Syria.
Matuzov, who has worked in Arab countries for many years, talked about Russia’s view on Türkiye and its Middle East strategy.
Why is Russia mediating the negotiations between Türkiye and Syria? What is Moscow’s political and strategic goal?
Russia and Syria have been allies for a long time. Our friendship dates back to 1970, when Hafez al-Assad came to power. I would like to remind that the military coup was not carried out by the Soviets but by the Syrian Baath party.
At that time, the Soviet Union was working to develop good relations with the countries in the region. We have developed very good relations with Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser. The Soviets helped Egypt build modern infrastructure during this period. We tried to develop good relations with Syria because they were ideologically not far from us.
Friendships with Syria, Iraq, Gaddafi’s Libya and Algeria reflected the strategic line of Soviet foreign policy in the Middle East. I should note that at that time the borders of the Soviet Union extended to Tbilisi and therefore the Middle East was the Near East for us.
We supported the establishment and continuity of independent states in this region.
During this period, we did not have good relations with NATO member Türkiye. We went through the missile crisis and so on, but from the 60s onwards relations began to normalize.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1992, we had to pay less attention to our relations in the Middle East, even it dropped down to the level ‘zero’.
Yelstin severed our ties with Middle Eastern countries, especially Syria. Before that, there were 6000 Soviet military experts in Syria.
When ISIS launched a war against the Syrian government in 2011, the Russian government remained silent. At first, when the Syrian government asked Moscow for aid, it received no positive response.
But Russia’s attitude began to change in 2012.
Recall that the Americans started to accuse Bashar al-Assad of using chemical weapons then. We knew that the Germans supplied the chemical materials in Syria.
They offered similar justifications when they attacked Iraq under Saddam Hussein. I met Saddam in Damascus three weeks before the American invasion in March 2003.
With outbreak of the crisis in 2011, ISIS attacks on Damascus increased and in 2012, there was even the possibility of ISIS seizing chemical materials in Syria.
We asked the Americans to put pressure on the Syrian government to hand over the chemical materials to international organizations.
“The Maidan Coup in Ukraine was a response to Russia’s Syria policy”
Are you saying that Russia cooperated with the Americans for the handover of chemical material from Syria?
Yes, because if these materials fell into the hands of#ISIS# and similar terrorist organizations, they would pose a threat to the whole region.
And the Syrian government handed over all these materials to a US ship in the Mediterranean Sea. After that, it was determined by international organizations that there were no chemical materials left in Syria.
But then, in 2013, the US declared that it was directly going to attack Syria and overthrow the Assad government. Until then Russia had not intervened in the crisis in Syria and had refrained from providing military aid.
In 2013, Medvedev’s term ended and Vladimir Putin was reelected as President. Putin met with Obama and the Americans were forced to renounce direct intervention in Syria. In this meeting, Putin stated that Russia would respond militarily if the US intervened militarily in Syria.
The US response to Russia’s move was in Ukraine. The Maidan movement was organized by the US. In 2014 Ukraine had elections. Yanukovych met with the presidents of France and Germany and signed an agreement that the elections would be transparent and fair. But before the elections, the US staged a military coup in Ukraine. US policy in Eastern Europe and the Middle East were interlinked.
In 2015, the Russian government decided to send troops to Syria. After this, Russian-Syrian relations began to resemble those of the Soviet era.
Can Russia’s decision to send troops to Syria be seen as a response to the US military coup in Ukraine?
Yes, exactly. We were once again at odds with the US. We came to realize that our neutral stance in the Middle East was politically costing us a lot. This marks a historic shift. We decided to protect our interests not only within our borders but also across borders.
“We definitely do not support the establishment of a Kurdish state in northern Syria”
You described the historical dimension of relations between Russia and Syria. Coming back to the present: what is the geopolitical goal of Russia as a mediator between Türkiye and Syria?
The warplane crisis between Türkiye and Russia was a critical turning point. After the resolution of this incident, Ankara-Moscow relations started to recover and develop.
The Astana process was very important and fruitful. We tried to offer a real and honest solution to resolve the Syrian crisis.
We understand Türkiye’s security concerns regarding its borders. Normalization between Türkiye and Syria will help address these concerns.
We are in favor of the territorial integrity of Syria. We absolutely do not support the establishment of a Kurdish state in the north of Syria. We are absolutely against the division of Syria. We do not support Rojava and similar structures.
The aim of negotiation between Russia and the Kurdish groups
In the event of a Russian mediated agreement between Türkiye and Syria, what will happen to the US-backed Kurdish groups in the north of Syria?
There is only one way out of the crisis: unitary, sovereign and independent Syria.
We had relations with Kurds. We were in touch with Mustafa Barzani. Yevgeny Primakov was the Middle East correspondent of Pravda newspaper before becoming Foreign Minister. He was in charge of relations with Barzani, not as a diplomat but as a journalist. We had talks with Mustafa Barzani many times in Northern Iraq.
But Mustafa Barzani was not on the side of the Soviet Union, on the contrary, he was on the US side. If you want proof, look where he was treated when he was ill and where he died: In the US.
It is a lie that the Soviets wanted a Kurdistan state. The aim of our engagement with Kurds was to persuade them not to take steps that would divide the Iraqi state.
You have stated that Russia is in favor of unitary Syria, but Russia supported United Nations Resolution No. 2254, which envisages a democratic and federal transition process in Syria. Doesn’t this contradict what you said?
Syrians are the ones to decide on Syria’s internal affairs. Neither Russia nor Türkiye, Iran and the US will decide on the fate of Syria. We never intended to interfere in Syria’s internal affairs.
We are in favor of the unitary structure of Syria, not its division. If the US demands us to respect the rights of minorities, of course we are not against that, but not in a way that would divide Syria.
What is your assessment on Israel’s attacks on Syria and its support to Kurdish groups in the region?
Israel supports Kurdish groups in Iraq and Syria. Kurdish groups have been hosted many times in Tel Aviv. Kurdish groups see Israel as an ally. You can see this from open sources. Israel and the US seek the establishment of a Kurdish state.
Israel wants to weaken Syria for its own interests and uses all means to do so. It cooperates with all these kind of groups to weaken Syria. Israel sees a strong neighbor as a threat.
Do you know where the leaders of Islamic groups who fled Suwayda (a region in Syria) in the face of the advance of the Syrian army took refuge? In Israel. Hundreds of them.
Also the US is preventing the Kurdish groups from negotiating with the Syrian government.
Onur Sinan Güzaltan
Onur Sinan Güzaltan was born in Istanbul in 1985. He had his Bachelors's degree in Law, from the Paris-Est Créteil Val de Marne Universty /Paris XII and a Master's degree in International and European Law. He got his certificate of diploma equivalence at Galatasaray University. Later, he got a Master's degree in International Trade Law, at the Institut de Droit des Affaires Internationales, founded jointly by the Sorbonne Universty and the Cairo Universty. In this process, he had served as the Cairo representative for the Aydinlik Newspaper. He has several articles and television streams within the international press, in such as People's Daily, Al Yaum, Al Ahram, Russia Today France, Al Youm Al Sabea. In addition to being the author of the Tanrı Bizi İster Mi?, a work that studies the 2011-2013 political period in Egypt, he had also contributed to the multi-author study titled Ortadoğu Çıkmazında Türkiye, with an article that focused on the Turkish-Egyptian relations. While currently working as a lawyer, he also writes a weekly column for Aydinlik Newspaper on the subject of international politics and geopolitics.[1]

”Moscow Kurdish Film Festival” me li dinyayê dide naskirin

Vê carê lehenga hunermendîya kurdî
reqasvana balêtê û şahzadeya kurd
Leyla Bedirxan hatîye hilbijartin.
Em li jêr bi 3 zimanan – kurdî, rûsî û îngilîsî –
serbilndîya gelê kurd raberî we dikin.

Îro lehenga kaseta me Leyla Bedir Xan (1903, Konstantînopolis – 1986, Parîs) reqasvana balêtê û şahzadeya kurd e. Ew di malbateke esilzade ya Abdurrezzak Bedir Xan de, ji neviyên Bedir Xan Beg û Henrietta Ornik, hatiye dinê. Salên ewil ên jiyana xwe li Împaratoriya Osmanî derbas kir, lê di demeke kurt de tevî malbata mîrzade hat şandin sirgûnê. Ew li Misrê bi cih bûn, li wir ew di civaka dîplomatîk a Qahîre û Îskenderiyeyê de mezin bû. Piştî mirina bavê xwe, ew û diya xwe diçin Viyanayê, li wir Leylayê dersên xwe yên yekem ên dansê girtin. Leylayê lîse li Montreux, Swîsre qedand û dest bi kariyera xwe ya dansê kir û di sala 1924an de li Viyana Konzerthaus rola sereke dilîze. Leylayê ji bo pêşdebirina kariyera xwe çû Fransayê, li wir li ser dîlanên çandên hindî û farisî û her wiha ayînên Zerdeştî lêkolîn kir. Wê li malên operayê yên li Ewropayê û Dewletên Yekbûyî derketine. Yek ji performansa wê ya herî berbiçav wekî Belkis di Belkis ya Ottorino Respighi de bû, Regina di Saba di sala 1932 de, di wê demê de performansa herî girîng hate hesibandin.

Сегодня героиня нашей ленты Лейла Бедир Хан (1903, Константинополь – 1986, Париж) – артистка балета и курдская принцесса. Она родилась в дворянской семье Абдурреззака Бедир-хана, потомка Бедир-хан-бека и Генриетты Орник. Первые годы жизни она провела в Османской империи, но вскоре вместе с остальными членами знатной семьи была отправлена ​​в изгнание. Они поселились в Египте, где она выросла в дипломатическом обществе Каира и Александрии. После смерти отца она и ее мать уехали жить в Вену, где Лейла взяла свои первые уроки танцев. Лейла окончила школу в Монтрё, Швейцария и начала танцевальную карьеру, а к 1924 году уже играла главную роль в Венском Концертхаусе. Лейла уехала во Францию, чтобы продолжить свою карьеру, где изучала танцы индийской и персидской культур, а также зороастрийские обряды. Она выступала в оперных театрах Европы и США. Одним из ее самых заметных выступлений была партия Белкис в балете Отторино Респиги «Белкис, Регина ди Саба» в 1932, в то время был признан самым важным спектаклем.

Today, the heroine of our feed Leyla Bedir Khan (1903, Constantinople – 1986, Paris) was a ballet dancer and a Kurdish princess. She was born into a noble household to Abdürrezzak Bedir Khan, a descendant of Bedir Khan Beg and Henriette Ornik. Her first years she passed in the Ottoman Empire, but soon, together with the rest of the noble Bedir Khan family, forced into exile. Her family settled in Egypt, where she grew up with the diplomatic society in Cairo and Alexandria. After her father’s death, she and her mother went to live in Vienna, where Leyla took her first dancing lessons. Leyla graduated from school in Montreux, Switzerland and began a dancing career, and by 1924 she was already playing a major role in the Vienna Konzerthaus. Leyla left for France to further her career where she studying the dances of the Indian and Persian cultures, as well as the Zoroastrian rites. She has performed at opera houses in Europe and the United States. One of her most notable performances was as Belkis in Ottorino Respighi’s ballet «Belkis, Regina di Saba» in 1932. This performance was at the time critiqued as the most important performance in the history of La Scala.[1]

Turkish human rights group says as many as 162 civilians have died since August, caught up in the increased fighting between government forces and Kurdish rebels in urban districts in Turkish Kurdistan.
The Turkish Human Rights Foundation said late Saturday that 32 children, 29 women and 24 elderly people were among civilians killed in districts where authorities have imposed 24-hour curfews as they battle militants linked to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK.
The Turkish security forces have launched large-scale operations in areas where the militants have mounted barricades, dug trenches and set up explosives to keep authorities away.
Three female Kurdish politicians have been killed on January 4, in fighting in a curfew-hit town in Turkish Kurdistan. The Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) said three of its female campaigners and another as-yet-unidentified man had been shot and badly wounded in Silopi town in Sirnak province, accusing the Turkish authorities of failing to evacuate them despite pleas. All four died.
A Kurdish mother of three was killed on January 4, by Turkish mortar fire that hits her apartment. Melek Alpaydin, 38, was eating breakfast when the shell hit her apartment in the Sur district of Diyarbakir.
Turkish authorities say 426 militants have died in ongoing operations in the Kurdish towns of Cizre and Silopi and Diyarbakir’s Sur neighborhood.
The conflict against the PKK resumed in July, shattering a two-year-old peace process.
The PKK took up arms in 1984 against the Turkish state, which still denies the constitutional existence of Kurds, to push for greater autonomy for the Kurdish minority who make up around 22.5 million of the country’s 78-million population, in Turkish Kurdistan. The conflict has left tens of thousands dead.
The PKK in the past has been largely focused in the countryside, but the latest conflict has been focused in urban areas, where the PKK youth wing has set up barricades and dug trenches to keep security forces out.
A large Turkey’s Kurdish community openly sympathise with PKK rebels.
Copyright ©, respective author or news agency, AP | Ekurd.net

Tomorrow is International Mother Language Day. On Monday, 24 institutions gathered in Van and demanded that all Kurdish groups unite for the freedom of the Kurdish language and the recognition of its official and international status.
The People's Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) Van Provincial Organization, together with 24 institutions, held a press statement on Monday within the context of the activities for 21 February, International Mother Language Day. The organization marched to the Language Culture and Art Research Center (ARSİSA) building.
'The oldest language of humanity'
DEM Party Language and Culture Commission co-spokesperson Hemid Dilbihar said that many languages are currently at risk of assimilation and underlined that one of these languages is Kurdish. Dilbihar said: World Mother Language Day celebrates the equality of all languages. But unfortunately, the status and future of many languages are still uncertain today. They are threatened with assimilation and extinction. Today, there are languages such as Syriac, Laz, Bosnian, Hemsin, Circassian, Armenian, Romanian and Arabic in Anatolia. One of the endangered languages is the Kurdish language, spoken by tens of millions of Kurds. The Kurdish language is the oldest and richest language of humanity.
Dilbihar said: The Kurdish language is the soul, mind and body of the Kurds. The Kurdish language is the backbone of the unity of the Kurdish nation. Without language, there are no Kurds or Kurdistan. Kurds and Kurdistan are one and cannot be separated. One cannot exist without the other. The freedom of the Kurdish language is also the freedom of Kurds and Kurdistan. Kurds continue their struggle to protect, revitalize and develop their language. The Kurdish language has the same fundamental rights as English, German, French, Arabic, Persian, Turkish and all other languages. Millions of Kurds and all Kurdish movements, parties, institutions, organizations and circles must unite for the freedom of their language.
Requests
Saying that they will continue their struggle until Kurdish is accepted as the official language, Dilbihar listed their demands as follows:
We want the Kurdish language in every field, and we are fighting for it. This struggle will continue.
Our demands and goals for the Kurdish language are very clear and concrete:
-The Kurdish language should have an official and international status;
-Must be officially accepted by constitutional and international laws;
-Kurdish should be the language of education;
-Kurdish should be used in places such as parliament, governorships, municipalities, courts and hospitals:
-The Kurdish Language Institute should be officially recognized and operated by representatives of the Kurdish people.
-If there are opportunities for Turkish, there should also be opportunities for Kurdish.”[1]

OCTOBER 11-15 2012 • ERBIL, KURDISTAN

52 Kurdish political parties and institutions announced their action plan against the Treaty of Lausanne
The centenary of the Treaty of Lausanne, which turned Kurdistan into a colony of 4 different states, is approaching. The Kurdish Alliance Against the Treaty of Lausanne, which includes 52 political parties and institutions, announced its action plan in a press release in the Place de Riponne Square, where the treaty was signed 99 years ago.
In addition to Kurdish institutions, Swiss Federal parliamentarians will attend a press conference on the anniversary of the Treaty of Lausanne negotiations on 20 November in front of the building where the negotiations took place.
Swiss Democratic Kurdish Council (CDK-S) Co-Chair İsmail Kardaş said that they would massively participate in the action against the Treaty of Lausanne, which determined the fate of the Kurds. “We have been working on this for days. Because of this treaty, the Kurds have been subjected to various atrocities for the last 100 years. We no longer accept this agreement,” he remarked.
The names below are expected to attend the event and deliver speeches:
Ahmet Karamus, KNK Co-Chair
Laurence Fehlmann Rielle, Member of the Federal Parliament of the Socialist Party
Zübeyir Aydar, KCK Executive Council Member
Soran Ahmad Ali, a PUK European Representative
Stéfanie Prezioso Batou, Member of the Federal Parliament
Goran Movement European Representative
Raphaël Mahaim, Member of the Federal Parliament for the Green Party
Yüksel Koç, KCDK-E Co-Chair
Mahmoud Daoud, Partiya Demoqrat a Kurdiya Sûrî.
Endame komîta Navendi.
Céline Misiego, MP for Lausanne Canton POP, Member of the Committee for the 100th Anniversary of the Treaty of Lausanne
TJK-E Representative
Abes Omare, PYD Representative
Ilias Panchard, city councillor in Lausanne for the Green party and member of the Committee for the 100th Anniversary of the Treaty of Lausanne
ESU (European Syriac Union)
Demir Çelik, Mesopotamian Faiths Platform
Sabri Eryiğit, European Representative of Partiya Islamiya Kurdistan
Dr. Med. Peppe Savary- Boriolo, head of PSR/IPPNW Switzerland, Spokesperson of the Swiss Freedom for Öcalan Initiative
Kemal Bilget, KKKP
Dr. Rizgar Tevgere Nujen.
The press conference will be broadcast live on social media platforms. It can be watched on the YouTube channel (https://www.youtube.com/@civaksaz8366) and Swiss Civaka Azad’s Twitter page (@CivakaAzad_S).[1]