Karwan Faidhi Dri
Nearly a century ago, the Turkish army murdered tens of thousands of Kurds in Dersim (Tunceli) province. The memory of Dersim lives large for Kurdish rebels who for about five decades have fought a bloody war with the modern Turkish state founded by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk that oppressed its Kurdish population through massacres, and political and cultural bans. Now from this same province, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, a politician from Ataturk’s own party has emerged as a hope for a first step towards resolving Turkey’s Kurdish problem.
As Turkey approaches its 100th anniversary, political parties are preparing for elections that are considered the most contested in decades.
When Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) won its first election in 2002, Kurds hoped this could be an end of state oppression against them. The AKP did make remarkable reforms in favour of Kurds who have made up a huge portion of the party’s supporters. Erdogan brought in measures that were previously seen as taboo, such as optional Kurdish courses in schools and launching a 24-hour Kurdish broadcaster, TRT Kurdi. He even reached an unprecedented ceasefire with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in 2013, though it lasted just about two years.
After 2015, however, Erdogan began reversing most of these developments. The government started cracking down on the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), banned the Kurdish language in official settings, further limited Kurdish education, closed Kurdish newspapers, dramatically increased military operations against the PKK and Syrian Kurds, and jailed thousands of HDP members, officials and supporters, as well as journalists.
Erdogan has an uphill battle ahead of the May 14 presidential and parliamentary elections. Economic woes and the devastating February 6 earthquakes have eroded his popular support.
With speculation that Erdogan’s two-decade rule is coming to an end, Kurds hope they will see some relief from state oppression under Kilicdaroglu. Many people claim that Kilicdaroglu is of Kurdish origin, though he has never publicly commented on his roots.
The 74-year-old politician on Monday was named by the largest opposition alliance as their candidate to run against Erdogan. He has said that he can resolve the Kurdish question in Turkey and will release scores of Kurdish political prisoners if he ascends to power.
The Nation Alliance, which consists of six parties, including Kilicdaroglu’s Republican People’s Party (CHP), have a 12-point roadmap, outlining how they will restore the parliamentary system and end Erdogan’s one-man rule. Their official platform, however, makes no mention of the Kurdish question.

Who is Kilicdaroglu?
Kilicdaroglu was born on December 17, 1948, the fourth of seven children of Kamer and Yemus, in Dersim’s Nazimiye district. A young man with an economic background, he served in many positions in several provinces before retiring from a social insurance institution in the late nineties and entering politics in the early 2000s.
He won a seat in the parliament in the 2002 general election on the CHP ticket. The same vote brought Erdogan and his AKP to power. In 2007, he retained his seat in the legislature. When CHP leader Deniz Baykal resigned in 2010 due to a scandal, Kilicdaroglu replaced him.
Before Kilicdaroglu took over the party, CHP had not courted Kurdish voters. The party sees itself as the guardian of Ataturk’s ideological legacy and militant brand of Turkish nationalism. Kilicdaroglu, however, has broken with party tradition and made numerous visits to Kurdish provinces in the southeast part of the country (known to Kurds as Northern Kurdistan). One year ago, he visited Kurdish folk singers (Dengbej) in Diyarbakir (Amed) city and spent time with the Kurdish community. Kilicdaroglu has amicable ties with the HDP, even calling for the release of the party’s former co-chair Selahattin Demirtas, who has been in jail since 2016 on terror-related charges.
Kilicdaroglu has transformed the party, according to Emre Uslu, a US-based Turkish academic who covers Turkish politics and the Kurdish question. “He realized that the old codes of Kemalism were dead in the eyes of the majority. Thus he reinvented the CHP as a Pro-West, post-Kemalist, inclusive political party that acknowledges the indigenous cultures and social structures,” he told Rudaw English.
When it comes to the PKK, however, Kilicdaroglu’s views align with those of the nationalist parties and Erdogan. PKK is an armed group struggling for the increased rights of Kurds in Turkey. It has been listed as a terrorist group by Ankara.
What can Kilicdaroglu offer Kurds?
Yavuz Degirmenci is a co-founder and senior member of the Future Party, which is part of the Nation Alliance with CHP. He told Rudaw English that their aim is to build a “pluralistic and inclusive political order based on human rights and the principle of equality.”
They have also promised to “end anti-democratic practices such as appointing trustees to municipalities by the central government,” he added, referring to the removal of several HDP mayors by the state in 2019 because of alleged terror links.
There is an ongoing legal attempt to close HDP. The next hearing at the Constitutional Court is taking place on April 11. Degirmenci said that if they win in the elections, the alliance will “reorganize” the foundation of the court in order to keep free of political pressure.
They will also make it impossible to shut down opposition parties through unilateral decisions. “According to our proposal, the permission of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey will be obligatory in the filing of lawsuits regarding the closure of political parties,” he said, referring to the parliament.
“Finally, I would like to emphasize that, as a result of comprehensive political and legal reforms and mindset change that we will carry out, a democratic climate will be created for the solution of the Kurdish Question,” he said.
Neither CHP nor Kilicdaroglu have commented on the Kurdish question and what they can offer Kurds since his candidacy was announced. Kilicdaroglu has, however, said that he would “definitely” visit the HDP to discuss the election. “There is nothing more natural than my visit to HDP,” he stressed.
Kilicdaroglu may be hampered in courting Kurdish voters by the membership of the nationalist IYI Party in his alliance. The party’s leader Meral Aksener initially rejected Kilicdaroglu’s candidacy and has warned repeatedly that they would never allow the pro-Kurdish party to join the Nation Alliance, though she has given a green light to a possible meeting between the CHP leader and the HDP.
Degirmenci said he does not expect the HDP to join the alliance because it has already formed a separate coalition with leftist parties and the Nation’s Alliance “has a balance and working principle within itself.”
HDP co-chair Pervin Buldan congratulated Kilicdaroglu on his nomination and said they would “reevaluate” their previous decision to field a presidential candidate.
Ebru Gunay, HDP spokesperson, told Rudaw English that Kilicdaroglu’s candidacy is “the most positive outcome of the Nation Alliance according to the current conditions.”
“However, our statement does not mean that HDP will unconditionally support this candidate. HDP is not a charitable institution or a support institution for other parties. It has great popular support, a decisive policy, and a strong will. HDP has demands. If these demands and the existence of HDP are not taken into consideration, we will look our way,” she warned.
The decades-old war between Ankara and the PKK, the ongoing case to close the HDP, crackdowns on Kurdish politicians, activists and journalists, and the ban on the Kurdish language and culture are key issues for Turkey’s Kurds that make up 15 to 20 percent of the population.
Gunay said they have conditions in return for supporting Kilicdaroglu.
“Since the beginning, we have not discussed names but principles. For us, principles are more important than names. In this process of the change of the century, will the existence of the Kurdish people be accepted? Will the rights and freedom of the society be recognized or not? We do not oppose anyone or any name without a reason. We also do not support any name without a reason,” she said.
She also said that society wants change, democracy, equality and freedom.
“Turkey is tired of the AKP and MHP [Nationalist Movement Party] rule and fascism. This fascist perception became a storm that fell on society. This mentality is hostile to Kurds, women, Alawites and the whole society. The important thing is that we defeat this mentality,” she said.
Emre Uslu, the analyst, said that Kilicdaroglu is “the most capable leader and strategist that can glue secularist ‘white Turks’ to the conservative Kurds,” using a term that refers to Turks who have embraced modernization and live in urban areas.
“Moreover, Mr. Kilicdaroglu comes from a Kurdish Alevi minority community. If elected, for the first time in Turkish history, we will have an Alevi Kurdish leader who would have a chance to heal old historical wounds in these oppressed minority communities,” added the academic.
When disastrous quakes hit several provinces in Turkey last month, the PKK announced a ceasefire. Uslu believes that this initiative “opens a new door” for the group and Ankara to end the conflict that has killed tens of thousands of people since the early eighties.
“When Mr. Erdogan tried to start peace negotiations with the PKK back in 2012, the Kemalists were bitter opponents of the peace negotiations. If the Nation Alliance wins with the support of Kurdish nationalists, it would be a golden opportunity for the majority of the Turkish community to resume peace negotiations, he said.
“It is a golden opportunity for the Kurds to support the Nation Alliance to win the hearts and minds of the Kemalist segments of society. Without the Kemalists' support, it is almost impossible to end the forty-year conflict. Moreover, Kurds have been under immense pressure from the Turkish government in recent years, so it is unlikely that they would support the government anyway. More importantly, they won't need bullets when the Kurds can beat the most powerful government via ballets,” he added.
Kingmaker
HDP, which is expected to play the role of kingmaker in the May vote, supported the CHP in Istanbul and Ankara during the 2019 local elections when they made the decision not to field candidates in those locations. The CHP beat the AKP in both cities, marking the first great victory of the main opposition parties against their long-time rival in decades.
Months later, the government cracked down on the HDP’s mayors, removing many on the basis of alleged terror charges, a move that many considered revenge for the party’s support for the CHP.
The HDP appears to be sticking to its 2019 election strategy as it has not yet announced a presidential candidate. Demirtas, who ran against Erdogan in the previous presidential election, announced from jail that he is not running this time due to the legal case against him.
Gunay said that her party has “many” members who could be potential candidates, “but we are currently studying new conditions.”
She also acknowledged her party’s kingmaker role.
“Without the HDP and without the Kurds, no one can bring about change,” she said. “All political parties in Turkey know this fact and have seen this fact before.”
The HDP’s support will be especially key if the presidential vote goes to a runoff.
Erdogan on Friday officially set the parliamentary and presidential elections for May 14.
The two main alliances - the People's Alliance between AKP and the far-right MHP as well as the Nation Alliance - have begun efforts to gain the support of smaller parties.
“We are the largest family,” Kilicdaroglu said minutes before his candidacy was announced. “There should be fruitful, nice and happy days in Turkey. God willing, we will achieve this together. We as the Nation Alliance will govern Turkey through consultation and compromise.”
Time and the ballot box will determine the success of these alliances and the future of the HDP and the Kurds. [1]